Cophonologies by Ph(r)ase
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Cophonologies by Ph(r)ase Hannah Sande1 · Peter Jenks2 · Sharon Inkelas2
Received: 8 January 2019 / Accepted: 7 March 2020 © The Author(s) 2020
Abstract Phonological alternations are often specific to morphosyntactic context. For example, stress shift in English occurs in the presence of some suffixes, -al, but not others, -ing: "pa.rent, pa."ren.tal, "pa.ren.ting. In some cases a phonological process applies only in words of certain lexical categories. Previous theories have stipulated that such morphosyntactically conditioned phonology is word-bounded. In this paper we present a number of long-distance morphologically conditioned phonological effects, cases where phonological processes within one word are conditioned by another word or the presence of a morpheme in another word. We provide a model, Cophonologies by Phase, which extends Cophonology Theory, intended to capture word-internal and lexically specified phonological alternations, to cyclically generated syntactic constituents. We show that Cophonologies by Phase makes better predictions about the long-distance morphologically conditioned phonological effects we find across languages than previous frameworks. Furthermore, Cophonologies by Phase derives such effects without requiring the phonological component to directly reference syntactic features or structure. Keywords Morphologically conditioned phonology · Cophonologies by Phase · Cophonology Theory · Syntactic phases · Spell-out · Syntax-phonology interface This work is partially funded by NSF-DEL grant 1760302.
B H. Sande
[email protected] P. Jenks [email protected] S. Inkelas [email protected]
1
Department of Linguistics, Georgetown University, 1421 37th Street NW, Poulton Hall 240, Washington, DC, USA
2
Department of Linguistics, University of California, 1203 Dwinelle Hall #2650, Berkeley, CA 94720-2650, USA
H. Sande et al.
1 Introduction Some phonological alternations are seen only in specific morphological contexts (see e.g. Inkelas 2014 for a recent overview). For example, in Moro (Kordofanian: Sudan), a left-aligned high tone is epenthesized on all verb stems (in brackets), but only in certain inflectional categories of the verb (Jenks and Rose 2011). In (1), this tone occurs on the leftmost syllable, underlined, of imperfective verbs stems (1a), but not in perfective verbs such as (1b). The all-L venitive imperative form in (1c) shows that the absence of this H tone cannot simply be attributed to the presence of a final H suffix. (1)
Moro verbs (cp. Rose 2013; Jenks and Rose 2015:270–274)
a. b. c.
Verbal inflection I MPERFECTIVE P ERFECTIVE V ENITIVE IMPERATIVE
P RE V-[‘tickle’-v] ga-[tS´omb@D-a] ga-[tSomb@D-ó] [tSomb@D-a]
Gloss ‘S/he is tickling it.’ ‘S/he tickled it.’ ‘Tickle it and come.’
However, prefixes in the pre-verb (P RE V), including the exponents of subject agreement and tense morphology, do not participate in the morphologically conditioned alternations above. For example, the H tone realized in the imperfective cannot target the preverb (*/gá[tSo
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