Gender Work Feminism after Neoliberalism
Recently, labor has acquired a re-emergent public relevance. In response, feminist theory urgently needs to reconsider the relationship between labor and gender. This book builds a theoretically-informed politics about changes in the gendered structure of
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Gender Work Feminism after Neoliberalism Robin Truth Goodman
GENDER WORK
Copyright © Robin Truth Goodman, 2013. Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2013 978-1-137-38119-4 All rights reserved. A version of chapter 2 was originally published in Philosophy Today. First published in 2013 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN® in the United States—a division of St. Martin’s Press LLC, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010. Where this book is distributed in the UK, Europe and the rest of the world, this is by Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited, registered in England, company number 785998, of Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS. Palgrave Macmillan is the global academic imprint of the above companies and has companies and representatives throughout the world. Palgrave® and Macmillan® are registered trademarks in the United States, the United Kingdom, Europe and other countries. ISBN 978-1-349-47960-3 ISBN 978-1-137-38120-0 (eBook) DOI 10.1057/9781137381200 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available from the Library of Congress A catalogue record of the book is available from the British Library. Design by Newgen Knowledge Works (P) Ltd., Chennai, India. First edition: December 2013 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Contents
Introduction
1
Chapter 1 The Gender of Working Time: Revisiting Feminist/Marxist Debates
19
Chapter 2 Julia Kristeva’s Murders: Neoliberalism and the Labor of the Semiotic
65
Chapter 3 Feminist Theory’s Itinerant Legacy: From Language Feminism to Labor Feminism
83
Chapter 4 Girls in School: The “Girls’ School” Genre at the New Frontier
111
Chapter 5 Gender Work: Feminism after Neoliberalism
139
Notes
175
Works Cited
205
Index
219
Introduction
I
n June of 2012, the US Congress rejected a bill that would have given working women rights to information about differential pay. The 2012 Paycheck Fairness Act would have required employers in the United States to prove that pay inequality was based on qualifications, performance, levels of education, or other considerations unrelated to gender, and it would have opened workplace gender discrimination, based on this newly available information, to litigation. The vote in the Senate was mainly along party lines, 52 to 47, short of the 60 votes the Democrats would have needed to avoid a filibuster. The consensus in the media was that the vote was an election-year spectacle that the Democrats knew had no chance of winning even as they appealed to the media for coverage, as the Democrats were aiming to woo women voters and force Republicans to explain at the polls why they supported gender pay inequality. A similar bill in 2010 had a similar fate, with the Democrats falling two votes short of passage, as Ben Nelson, Democrat from Nebraska, switched ranks and joined the Republicans. In 2012, in face of the Democrats’ accusation that the Republicans were “waging a war on women,” the Republicans cited two rationales: that in a time of unemployment at over 8 percent,
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