Rural-Urban Divide and the Social Stratification in Leisure Participation in China: Application of Multiple Hierarchy St
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Rural-Urban Divide and the Social Stratification in Leisure Participation in China: Application of Multiple Hierarchy Stratification Perspective Nan Chen 1 & Chiung-Tzu Lucetta Tsai 2 Received: 8 March 2019 / Accepted: 26 June 2019/ # The International Society for Quality-of-Life Studies (ISQOLS) and Springer Nature B.V. 2019
Abstract This study explores how the additive combined consequences of rural-urban status, gender, age and socioeconomic status influence leisure participation in the Chinese context. Drawing on multiple hierarchy stratification perspective, this study assumes that combinations of these unique variables will form a continuum of statuses from the lower end of the most disadvantaged leisure group to the higher end of the most advantaged leisure group. Using combined data from the trends seen in the 2012, 2013, and 2015 Chinese General Social Survey (N = 34,171), the findings show that ruralurban status, age, education, gender, and family income are the consistent five significant predictors across two leisure types. Rural women who have lower socio-economic statuses occupy the lowest participation in general leisure activities, whereas urban men who have higher socio-economic statuses occupy the highest participation. Keywords Leisure participation . Multiple hierarchy stratification perspective . Rural-
urban divide . Leisure inequality . China
Introduction Leisure activity has its temporal feature in modern China due to the profound policies change from leisure as ideology to leisure as an industry (Wang 1995). In Mao’s era, leisure was politicized to be a collective activity which was regulated in terms of length,
* Chiung-Tzu Lucetta Tsai [email protected] Nan Chen [email protected]
1
Chinese Studies, Department of Goble Business, Kosin University, Busan, South Korea
2
Department of Leisure & Sport Management, National Taipei University, New Taipei City, Taiwan
C. Nan, C.-T. L. Tsai
forms, and contents. As a result, personal private leisure was strictly controlled so as to be subordinate to the state ideology (Wang, 1995). As the market-oriented reform was implemented in 1980, diversified private leisure activities were permitted and general leisure time has been increased. Since cultural industry reform was launched in 2000, some of the leisure activity types have become ‘culture commodities’, which can only be consumed by those with affluent social statuses (Lee and Zhang 2010). Consequently, the leisure pattern has become polarized in China. At one end, there is a small portion of advantaged people who can afford the expensive leisure activities. At the other end, however, those whose incomes are barely keeping up with their minimum standard of living cannot benefit from these commercialized activities (Wang, 1995). Extant studies have indicated that Chinese leisure was influenced by social structures and leisure participation is socially stratified (Lu and Cheng 2014). There is a prominent gap between different residence areas, genders, ages and socio-economic statuses i
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